Be it NEET or Ayodhya, BJP’s accountability problem is getting harder to hide. Media must keep asking

Broken News

Published in Newslaundry on July 9, 2026

Link: https://www.newslaundry.com/2026/07/09/be-it-neet-or-ayodhya-bjps-accountability-problem-is-getting-harder-to-hide-media-must-keep-asking

Accountability and corruption. These two words are now haunting the Modi government. Not just because of the ongoing protests by the Cockroach Janta Party and its followers in New Delhi demanding the resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan over the leak of the NEET examination papers. The bigger story that speaks of corruption and demands accountability is the expose about the theft of donations at the much vaunted Ram Temple in Ayodhya.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), with the backing of its parent organisation, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) rode to power on the back of the Ram Janmabhoomi movement that promised a Ram Temple in Ayodhya. The movement kicked off with the Rath Yatra led by the L K Advani during which an inestimable amount was collected by way of donations by ordinary people who gave jewellery, bought and paid for silver and gold bricks and donated cash.

The culmination of this campaign, marked by communal riots in many parts of the country and the destruction of the Babri Masjid in December 1992, was the inauguration of the Ram Temple in January 2024 by the prime minister of an ostensibly secular country. Narendra Modi remarked that the building of the temple was an act of “civilisational justice”. 

A decade before this, when the BJP won the 2014 elections and Modi became the prime minister, he had promised: “Na khaoonga, na khane doonga” (Neither will I eat, nor will I let others eat). He was elected on the back of the anti-corruption movement led by Anna Hazare from 2012 onwards.

That promise has come to bite the Modi government now as the story of the extent to which donations given for the Ram Temple were stolen has emerged. What we know so far is perhaps no more than the trailer. But it is striking that on this story, some mainstream newspapers like The Indian Express have led the way.

The report about the theft from the coffers of the Ram Temple is not unusual. In the past, there have been cases of similar thefts from temples across India. But this one at the Ram Temple in Ayodhya is significant because it is so central to the route that the BJP and the RSS have taken to come into power. 

The reports in mainstream print media tell us how the men designated to receive donations helped themselves to it and were caught only because there is some CCTV footage available. But this covers only 45 days, according to the BBC. It quotes a police officer saying: “The total amount that was allegedly stolen is yet to be established, but the accused appear to have taken money whenever they found an opportunity. There was no fixed amount stolen on a given day.” 

Clearly, the stealing did not begin when the surveillance system was installed. In fact, what we know as of today is literally the “tip of the iceberg” as veteran police officer Vibhuti Narain Rai told The Hindu.  

Also, although the UP government has formed an SIT to investigate the theft, and there have been arrests and demands for the resignation of those serving on the Ram Temple trust, the issue of accountability remains. Can the Modi government and the RSS shrug off this story, and claim that the matter has been handled if a few people lower down in the pecking order are arrested and charged?

Clearly not, as Indian Express columnist Pratap Bhanu Mehta points out in his edit page article. He writes: “The strongest government in decades appears strangely powerless before the one problem it once claimed it was uniquely capable of addressing: Corruption. When the extraordinary power that the Prime Minister has encounters extraordinary silence and inaction on the issue of corruption, it tells a story. A very damning story.”

Rajdeep Sardesai, writing in India Today, makes a similar point when he writes: “The RSS cannot simultaneously claim moral ownership of the Ram Mandir movement during its hour of triumph and distance itself from institutional failures during its hour of crisis.”

He reminds us that the Ram Janmabhoomi project “became the defining ideological project of the Sangh Parivar”. And that “the BJP transformed it into unprecedented electoral success. The RSS provided the ideological framework.” Therefore today, in the face of the theft from the Ram Temple, “leadership cannot claim ownership of a historic success while disclaiming responsibility for an embarrassing failure.”

The real test for the media now is to pursue this story, regardless of the discomfort it causes those who lead this country. If there is one story that has blown the cover of the so-called “party with a difference”, it is this.  

To quote Mehta’s prescient observation: “The RSS is discovering that corruption is not just a matter of homilies about character; people with a background in the RSS can succumb to the temptations of unchecked power like anyone else. The allegations of temple theft in Ayodhya, an organisational structure architected entirely by the BJP-RSS, takes the fig leaf off Ram Rajya, literally. The BJP is now the ancien régime with all the signs of rot too overwhelming to hide.”

The Modi government has perfected the art of distraction, and simultaneously putting pressure on the media, so that stories like this die down. There are many examples of a glimmer of an investigation that begins into such cases of corruption, or favours granted to powerful business houses, that then fade away. 

 

Stories like this one, also broken by The Indian Express, about the family of the current Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, Mohan Yadav, who is a member of the BJP. According to land records accessed by the reporter, his family acquired 168 acres of land in Ujjain, a city that is undergoing urban renewal. They profited from changes in land-use that were announced by his government. The conflict of interest is too obvious to be underlined. Yet, despite this expose, so far there is no pressure by the BJP’s leadership on Yadav to step down.

The events in recent weeks, beginning with the NEET exam leak, and culminating in the expose about the theft of donations to the Ram Temple make it clear that corruption and demands for accountability from the Modi government will not fade away. 

Furthermore, if these media exposes, from Madhya Pradesh and Ayodhya are an indication, then perhaps there is reason to hope that at least some in mainstream print media have developed the spine to continue to dig out the dirt.

 

In its coverage of Ayodhya bhoomi pujan, the Indian media hit a new level of sycophancy

Broken News

 

https://www.newslaundry.com/2020/08/13/in-its-coverage-of-ayodhya-bhoomi-pujan-the-indian-media-hit-a-new-level-of-sycophancy

 

Has some of India's mainstream media, especially electronic media, sunk so deep into the swamp of sycophancy that it will never be able to pull itself out?

 

August 5, 2020 may well be remembered for many reasons not just for the bhoomi pujan for the Ram temple in Ayodhya by the elected head of a "secular" state, but also for the most vivid exhibition of hero worship with not even a hint of balance or independence by much of the country's mainstream media. As always, there were exceptions but their numbers diminish by the day.

 

Newslaundry has already commented on the breathless and over-the-top coverage given to the event in Ayodhya on August 5.

 

Print media, by virtue of its very format, tends to be a little more restrained, particularly the English language newspapers.  But read the newspapers in the Indian languages, especially in Hindi, and the story is very different. They are uniformly a sea of saffron on August 6, the day after the laying of the foundation stone by Modi. The favourite image is of the prime minister, dressed in a gold silk kurta and saffron lungi prostrating himself before the idol.

 

IJR (Indian Journalism Review), an often caustic and insightful blog by senior journalist Krishna Prasad, has compiled the front pages of several Indian language papers that illustrate this. The temple is not the story, it is the man dedicating the temple who is. And that is clearly how it was meant to be.

 

The question we have to ask is how, we in the Indian media, reached this point? How much does it have to do with the way politics has played out since 2014 and how much with our willing surrender to the agendas set by the ruling party at the Centre?

 

One could argue that the media has no option but to report on an event such as the foundation ceremony in Ayodhya because the prime minister was central to it. But it was not an official event. And it represented a troubled and violent history.  Should none of that have found a mention in the headline, something that most people read and remember?

 

For instance, The Telegraph, which often has arresting front-page headlines and graphics did not disappoint this time with this headline:

 

"The book that begins with We, the people, is

 

THE GOD THAT WE FAILED

 

Raja and rishi are no longer separate in the Republic."

 

Others ranged from "Modi lays first brick for Ram Rajya" in Deccan Chronicle to "PM fulfills national aspiration" in Hitvada. The Times of India mentioned Modi equating the mandir campaign with the freedom movement and the Indian Express simply stated, "Modi marks the mandir".

 

Compare this to "Modi initiates temple at mosque site" in Financial Times or "Modi sets Hindu temple in stone at razed mosque site" in The Times, London. Several other international publications included mention of the mosque, referring to the Babri Masjid that was demolished by Hindutva foot soldiers on December 6, 1992.  By doing so, these headlines place the context of the event right at the top, rather than as an afterthought.

 

And that context, as well as this headline in The Washington Post,"In Modi's quest to transform India, a Hindu temple rises" is the real story of August 5. To be fair, in the reporting in several newspapers the history relating to the demolition of the Babri Masjid was included. But in these days of shrinking attention spans, it is the headline and the photographs that make an impression and not necessarily the text beneath.

 

The editorials, which signify the stand taken by different periodicals on this kind of event, are read even less.  But they are important nonetheless as they reflect some of the thinking during these times.  Historians in the future would read them to grasp how far the Indian media supported uncritically not just the construction of the temple on the ruins of the mosque but the heightened importance given to the process with the prime minister who represents all the people of India, not just the Hindu majority, choosing to lay its foundation stone.

 

Modi compared the movement to build the temple with the freedom movement. He spoke about a "new India" and spoke of freedom from "1200 years of slavery". Some questions were asked about this, but precious few. The iconography of an incumbent prime minister comparing a divisive and violent movement that led to it culmination on August 5 with the freedom movement is what will be remembered.

 

What is the shape of this new India that the prime minister promised? One of the most prescient articles on this appeared in Indian Express a day before the bhoomi pujan. Suhas Palshikar, the well-known political scientist analysed what he saw as the beginning of a new republic with the laying of the foundation stone in Ayodhya. 

 

He outlined the five pillars that will hold up this new republic. These are,

 according to Palshikar, transforming India into "a repository of repression"; the deligitimisation of "ideas of dissent and critique"; the "willingness of the judiciary to look the other way"; "the politics of avoidance displayed by most political parties"; and the foundation of this new republic "on a militant culture of majoritarianism".

 

How does all this apply to the media? What role has it played, and continues to play to build this "new India" of Modi's dreams or the new republic that Palshikar predicts?

 

A decade back, or even six years ago before 2014 and the ascendance of Modi and the Bharatiya Janata Party, would the media have been so pliant and unquestioning? Wouldn't more people have voiced their concern about this event being elevated to one of "national" significance despite its obvious sectarian nature? Would we not have reminded readers about the events of 1992 even as they observed the celebrations around this temple? Instead, as Mihir Sharma points out in this article in Bloomberg, "Now, Hindu nationalism’s capture of the soul of India is so complete that television anchors broke into devotional song and newspaper front pages looked more like religious calendars than broadsheets."

 

Does this mean that August 5 marks game, set and match to the victory of Hindu nationalism in all spheres, including the media?

 

It need not and it should not. The cornerstone of not falling into the trap of reinforcing this majoritarian narrative that assaults us each day, especially by way of the electronic media, is for the sections of the media that still hold that an independent media is essential to a democracy to inject the necessary context and scepticism into the manner in which events like the Ayodhya spectacle are reported. The editorial decision is reflected in the headline, the choice of photographs and the amount of space given to the event as well as the tone of the reporting and not just the editorial comment.

 

In conclusion, I should also point out that August 5 was also one year since the clampdown in Jammu and Kashmir with the reading down of Article 370.  People there, including the media, have struggled to keep their heads above water, cut-off as they are without internet and with so many in jail. A year later, it is shameful that the court and the government are still debating whether 4G internet connectivity should be restored. This deserved more than just a mention on August 5. Yet once again, barring the usual exceptions, mainstream media did what was expected of it by erasing from our consciousness the continuing sorrow and suffering of the people in that region.