The Hindu, Sunday Magazine, June 7, 2015
Why do governments feel compelled to ‘celebrate’ one year in office and use the occasion to boast of their ‘achievements’? Yet, when criticised, they protest that one year is too short a time to pass judgment. If that is true, then why bother to mark one year?
The real test of intent lies in the details — not the broad-sweep catch phrases so loved by politicians, including the Prime Minister. The ‘acche din’ for Indian women are a long way off; the ‘burre din’ continue.
Why do governments feel compelled to ‘celebrate’ one year in office and use the occasion to boast of their ‘achievements’? Yet, when criticised, they protest that one year is too short a time to pass judgment. If that is true, then why bother to mark one year?
Since
May 26, when the Modi government completed a year in office, we have
been subjected to a familiar litany of ‘success’ stories by the
government’s acolytes and the predictable trashing of its claims by the
opposition. Obscured by the screaming matches, particularly on
television, is the real story of how difficult it is to be successful in
many of the areas that the government wants us to believe that it has
done something.
Take the promise of making women more
secure and safe in this country. All political parties had to pay heed
to the demand for changes in the law that arose following the December
2012 Delhi gang rape. And every party supported the amended rape law
that incorporated some of the suggestions of the excellent Justice Verma
Committee report. One concrete outcome was the creation of a Rs.1,000
crores Nirbhaya Fund by the previous government.
Not
be left behind, the Modi government allocated another Rs.1,000 crores to
the Nirbhaya Fund. But the last allocation has still not been utilised.
So, merely adding more money to a fund that is not being used will not
make much difference for women.
What will make a
difference is if some political heft and will is put behind the concept
that led to the creation of this fund. One concrete plan was to use it
for one-stop crisis centres, to be called Nirbhaya centres. These
institutions, which could be either standalone or part of an existing
health facility, would provide a rape survivor with the kind of help she
needs when she decides to report the crime. Instead of running from one
institution to another — the police, a hospital, a lawyer etc. — she
could go to one centre that would provide multiple services: medical,
psychological, police, legal and forensic. Such centres exist in many
countries and have proved hugely beneficial.
In the
absence of such places, imagine what happens when a woman reports a
rape. First she narrates her story to the police. Then she goes to a
hospital, where she is taken to the casualty section. Often she has to
wait. The doctor in-charge is usually a man. She has to go over all the
details again. There is no rule that a woman doctor or nurse should be
present. Eventually, she sees a gynaecologist who has to collect samples
that could be crucial evidence. Ideally, she should also have the
services of a counselor, although in India this is rare. In addition she
needs sound legal advice on how to proceed further.
All
this constitutes just the first step in the long fight for justice. If
rape cases fail — the rate of conviction for rape cases in 2013 stood at
a paltry 27 per cent — it is precisely because all these facilities are
not in place when the woman seeks help. And, even if forensic evidence
is collected in a hospital, it is often not stored properly. As a
result, it fails to be useful when called upon during a case. So,
clearly, such one-stop centres are essential.
Yet, as
we are discussing this government’s first year in office, what is its
record? When it came to power last year, it promised 660 Nirbhaya
centres. Despite additional allocations, the number has been whittled
down to just 36 centres. What sense does this make? Is the government
doing this in phases? Is there a long-term strategy? How will it decide
where to locate these few centres? No such details are available making
one suspect that this is another of those plans where action does not
match the rhetoric.
To make the amended law work, the
government has to put in place structures that will aid those seeking
justice. A stronger law will not result in a conviction if the
prosecution does not make an effort to pursue the case, if the survivor
does not get proper legal advice on how to proceed, if the medical and
forensic evidence is not properly collected and stored, if witnesses are
not protected so that they don’t change their stance at the last minute
and most importantly, if the woman’s right to privacy is not respected.
There are gaping holes at every step that clever defence lawyers
exploit. The result is humiliation and defeat for a woman already
traumatised. Every such case that is dismissed deters other women from
pursuing the legal option.
The real test of intent lies in the details — not the broad-sweep catch phrases so loved by politicians, including the Prime Minister. The ‘acche din’ for Indian women are a long way off; the ‘burre din’ continue.
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